Nineteen Eighty-Four 一九八四 Part 2, Chapter 9
时间：2015-09-07 05:19:00
（单词翻译:单击）
Winston was gelatinous with fatigue1. Gelatinous was the right word. It had come into his head spontaneously. His body seemed to have not only the weakness of a jelly, but its translucency2. He felt that if he held up his hand he would be able to see the light through it. All the blood and lymph had been drained out of him by an enormous debauch3 of work, leaving only a frail4 structure of nerves, bones, and skin. All sensations seemed to be magnified. His overalls5 fretted6 his shoulders, the pavement tickled7 his feet, even the opening and closing of a hand was an effort that made his joints8 creak.
He had worked more than ninety hours in five days. So had everyone else in the Ministry9. Now it was all over, and he had literally10 nothing to do, no Party work of any description, until tomorrow morning. He could spend six hours in the hiding-place and another nine in his own bed. Slowly, in mild afternoon sunshine, he walked up a dingy11 street in the direction of Mr Charrington's shop, keeping one eye open for the patrols, but irrationally12 convinced that this afternoon there was no danger of anyone interfering13 with him. The heavy brief-case that he was carrying bumped against his knee at each step, sending a tingling14 sensation up and down the skin of his leg. Inside it was the book, which he had now had in his possession for six days and had not yet opened, nor even looked at.
On the sixth day of Hate Week, after the processions, the speeches, the shouting, the singing, the banners, the posters, the films, the waxworks15, the rolling of drums and squealing16 of trumpets17, the tramp of marching feet, the grinding of the caterpillars18 of tanks, the roar of massed planes, the booming of guns -- after six days of this, when the great orgasm was quivering to its climax19 and the general hatred20 of Eurasia had boiled up into such delirium21 that if the crowd could have got their hands on the 2,000 Eurasian war-criminals who were to be publicly hanged on the last day of the proceedings23, they would unquestionably have torn them to pieces -- at just this moment it had been announced that Oceania was not after all at war with Eurasia. Oceania was at war with Eastasia. Eurasia was an ally.
There was, of course, no admission that any change had taken place. Merely it became known, with extreme suddenness and everywhere at once, that Eastasia and not Eurasia was the enemy. Winston was taking part in a demonstration25 in one of the central London squares at the moment when it happened. It was night, and the white faces and the scarlet26 banners were luridly27 floodlit. The square was packed with several thousand people, including a block of about a thousand schoolchildren in the uniform of the Spies. On a scarlet-draped platform an orator28 of the Inner Party, a small lean man with disproportionately long arms and a large bald skull30 over which a few lank31 locks straggled, was haranguing32 the crowd. A little Rumpelstiltskin figure, contorted with hatred, he gripped the neck of the microphone with one hand while the other, enormous at the end of a bony arm, clawed the air menacingly above his head. His voice, made metallic33 by the amplifiers, boomed forth34 an endless catalogue of atrocities35, massacres36, deportations, lootings, rapings, torture of prisoners, bombing of civilians39, lying propaganda, unjust aggressions, broken treaties. It was almost impossible to listen to him without being first convinced and then maddened. At every few moments the fury of the crowd boiled over and the voice of the speaker was drowned by a wild beast-like roaring that rose uncontrollably from thousands of throats. The most savage40 yells of all came from the schoolchildren. The speech had been proceeding22 for perhaps twenty minutes when a messenger hurried on to the platform and a scrap41 of paper was slipped into the speaker's hand. He unrolled and read it without pausing in his speech. Nothing altered in his voice or manner, or in the content of what he was saying, but suddenly the names were different. Without words said, a wave of understanding rippled43 through the crowd. Oceania was at war with Eastasia! The next moment there was a tremendous commotion44. The banners and posters with which the square was decorated were all wrong! Quite half of them had the wrong faces on them. It was sabotage45! The agents of Goldstein had been at work! There was a riotous46 interlude while posters were ripped from the walls, banners torn to shreds47 and trampled48 underfoot. The Spies performed prodigies49 of activity in clambering over the rooftops and cutting the streamers that fluttered from the chimneys. But within two or three minutes it was all over. The orator, still gripping the neck of the microphone, his shoulders hunched50 forward, his free hand clawing at the air, had gone straight on with his speech. One minute more, and the feral roars of rage were again bursting from the crowd. The Hate continued exactly as before, except that the target had been changed.
The thing that impressed Winston in looking back was that the speaker had switched from one line to the other actually in midsentence, not only without a pause, but without even breaking the syntax. But at the moment he had other things to preoccupy51 him. It was during the moment of disorder52 while the posters were being torn down that a man whose face he did not see had tapped him on the shoulder and said, 'Excuse me, I think you've dropped your brief-case.' He took the brief-case abstractedly, without speaking. He knew that it would be days before he had an opportunity to look inside it. The instant that the demonstration was over he went straight to the Ministry of Truth, though the time was now nearly twenty-three hours. The entire staff of the Ministry had done likewise. The orders already issuing from the telescreen, recalling them to their posts, were hardly necessary.
Oceania was at war with Eastasia: Oceania had always been at war with Eastasia. A large part of the political literature of five years was now completely obsolete53. Reports and records of all kinds, newspapers, books, pamphlets, films, sound-tracks, photographs -- all had to be rectified54 at lightning speed. Although no directive was ever issued, it was known that the chiefs of the Department intended that within one week no reference to the war with Eurasia, or the alliance with Eastasia, should remain in existence anywhere. The work was overwhelming, all the more so because the processes that it involved could not be called by their true names. Everyone in the Records Department worked eighteen hours in the twenty-four, with two three-hour snatches of sleep. Mattresses55 were brought up from the cellars and pitched all over the corridors: meals consisted of sandwiches and Victory Coffee wheeled round on trolleys56 by attendants from the canteen. Each time that Winston broke off for one of his spells of sleep he tried to leave his desk clear of work, and each time that he crawled back sticky-eyed and aching, it was to find that another shower of paper cylinders58 had covered the desk like a snowdrift, half burying the speakwrite and overflowing59 on to the floor, so that the first job was always to stack them into a neat enough pile to give him room to work. What was worst of all was that the work was by no means purely60 mechanical. Often it was enough merely to substitute one name for another, but any detailed61 report of events demanded care and imagination. Even the geographical62 knowledge that one needed in transferring the war from one part of the world to another was considerable.
By the third day his eyes ached unbearably63 and his spectacles needed wiping every few minutes. It was like struggling with some crushing physical task, something which one had the right to refuse and which one was nevertheless neurotically64 anxious to accomplish. In so far as he had time to remember it, he was not troubled by the fact that every word he murmured into the speakwrite, every stroke of his ink-pencil, was a deliberate lie. He was as anxious as anyone else in the Department that the forgery65 should be perfect. On the morning of the sixth day the dribble66 of cylinders slowed down. For as much as half an hour nothing came out of the tube; then one more cylinder57, then nothing. Everywhere at about the same time the work was easing off. A deep and as it were secret sigh went through the Department. A mighty67 deed, which could never be mentioned, had been achieved. It was now impossible for any human being to prove by documentary evidence that the war with Eurasia had ever happened. At twelve hundred it was unexpectedly announced that all workers in the Ministry were free till tomorrow morning. Winston, still carrying the brief-case containing the book, which had remained between his feet while he worked and under his body while he slept, went home, shaved himself, and almost fell asleep in his bath, although the water was barely more than tepid68.
With a sort of voluptuous69 creaking in his joints he climbed the stair above Mr Charrington's shop. He was tired, but not sleepy any longer. He opened the window, lit the dirty little oilstove and put on a pan of water for coffee. Julia would arrive presently: meanwhile there was the book. He sat down in the sluttish armchair and undid70 the straps71 of the brief-case.
A heavy black volume, amateurishly72 bound, with no name or title on the cover. The print also looked slightly irregular. The pages were worn at the edges, and fell apart, easily, as though the book had passed through many hands. The inscription73 on the title-page ran:
THE THEORY AND PRACTICE OF
OLIGARCHICAL74 COLLECTIVISM
by
Emmanuel Goldstein
Winston began reading:
Chapter I
Ignorance is Strength
Throughout recorded time, and probably since the end of the Neolithic75 Age, there have been three kinds of people in the world, the High, the Middle, and the Low. They have been subdivided76 in many ways, they have borne countless77 different names, and their relative numbers, as well as their attitude towards one another, have varied78 from age to age: but the essential structure of society has never altered. Even after enormous upheavals79 and seemingly irrevocable changes, the same pattern has always reasserted itself, just as a gyroscope will always return to equilibrium80, however far it is pushed one way or the other.
Winston stopped reading, chiefly in order to appreciate the fact that he was reading, in comfort and safety. He was alone: no telescreen, no ear at the keyhole, no nervous impulse to glance over his shoulder or cover the page with his hand. The sweet summer air played against his cheek. From somewhere far away there floated the faint shouts of children: in the room itself there was no sound except the insect voice of the clock. He settled deeper into the arm-chair and put his feet up on the fender. It was bliss83, it was eternity84. Suddenly, as one sometimes does with a book of which one knows that one will ultimately read and re-read every word, he opened it at a different place and found himself at Chapter III. He went on reading:
Chapter III
War is Peace
The splitting up of the world into three great super-states was an event which could be and indeed was foreseen before the middle of the twentieth century. With the absorption of Europe by Russia and of the British Empire by the United States, two of the three existing powers, Eurasia and Oceania, were already effectively in being. The third, Eastasia, only emerged as a distinct unit after another decade of confused fighting. The frontiers between the three super-states are in some places arbitrary, and in others they fluctuate according to the fortunes of war, but in general they follow geographical lines. Eurasia comprises the whole of the northern part of the European and Asiatic land-mass, from Portugal to the Bering Strait. Oceania comprises the Americas, the Atlantic islands including the British Isles85, Australasia, and the southern portion of Africa. Eastasia, smaller than the others and with a less definite western frontier, comprises China and the countries to the south of it, the Japanese islands and a large but fluctuating portion of Manchuria, Mongolia, and Tibet.
In one combination or another, these three super-states are permanently86 at war, and have been so for the past twenty-five years. War, however, is no longer the desperate, annihilating87 struggle that it was in the early decades of the twentieth century. It is a warfare88 of limited aims between combatants who are unable to destroy one another, have no material cause for fighting and are not divided by any genuine ideological89 difference. This is not to say that either the conduct of war, or the prevailing90 attitude towards it, has become less bloodthirsty or more chivalrous91. On the contrary, war hysteria is continuous and universal in all countries, and such acts as raping38, looting, the slaughter92 of children, the reduction of whole populations to slavery, and reprisals93 against prisoners which extend even to boiling and burying alive, are looked upon as normal, and, when they are committed by one's own side and not by the enemy, meritorious94. But in a physical sense war involves very small numbers of people, mostly highly-trained specialists, and causes comparatively few casualties. The fighting, when there is any, takes place on the vague frontiers whose whereabouts the average man can only guess at, or round the Floating Fortresses96 which guard strategic spots on the sea lanes. In the centres of civilization war means no more than a continuous shortage of consumption goods, and the occasional crash of a rocket bomb which may cause a few scores of deaths. War has in fact changed its character. More exactly, the reasons for which war is waged have changed in their order of importance. Motives97 which were already present to some small extent in the great wars of the early twentieth century have now become dominant98 and are consciously recognized and acted upon.
To understand the nature of the present war -- for in spite of the regrouping which occurs every few years, it is always the same war -- one must realize in the first place that it is impossible for it to be decisive. None of the three super-states could be definitively99 conquered even by the other two in combination. They are too evenly matched, and their natural defences are too formidable. Eurasia is protected by its vast land spaces. Oceania by the width of the Atlantic and the Pacific, Eastasia by the fecundity100 and industriousness102 of its inhabitants. Secondly103, there is no longer, in a material sense, anything to fight about. With the establishment of self-contained economies, in which production and consumption are geared to one another, the scramble104 for markets which was a main cause of previous wars has come to an end, while the competition for raw materials is no longer a matter of life and death. In any case each of the three super-states is so vast that it can obtain almost all the materials that it needs within its own boundaries. In so far as the war has a direct economic purpose, it is a war for labour power. Between the frontiers of the super-states, and not permanently in the possession of any of them, there lies a rough quadrilateral with its corners at Tangier, Brazzaville, Darwin, and Hong Kong, containing within it about a fifth of the population of the earth. It is for the possession of these thickly-populated regions, and of the northern ice-cap, that the three powers are constantly struggling. In practice no one power ever controls the whole of the disputed area. Portions of it are constantly changing hands, and it is the chance of seizing this or that fragment by a sudden stroke of treachery that dictates105 the endless changes of alignment106.
All of the disputed territories contain valuable minerals, and some of them yield important vegetable products such as rubber which in colder climates it is necessary to synthesize by comparatively expensive methods. But above all they contain a bottomless reserve of cheap labour. Whichever power controls equatorial Africa, or the countries of the Middle East, or Southern India, or the Indonesian Archipelago, disposes also of the bodies of scores or hundreds of millions of ill-paid and hard-working coolies. The inhabitants of these areas, reduced more or less openly to the status of slaves, pass continually from conqueror107 to conqueror, and are expended108 like so much coal or oil in the race to turn out more armaments, to capture more territory, to control more labour power, to turn out more armaments, to capture more territory, and so on indefinitely. It should be noted109 that the fighting never really moves beyond the edges of the disputed areas. The frontiers of Eurasia flow back and forth between the basin of the Congo and the northern shore of the Mediterranean110; the islands of the Indian Ocean and the Pacific are constantly being captured and recaptured by Oceania or by Eastasia; in Mongolia the dividing line between Eurasia and Eastasia is never stable; round the Pole all three powers lay claim to enormous territories which in fact are largely unihabited and unexplored: but the balance of power always remains111 roughly even, and the territory which forms the heartland of each super-state always remains inviolate112. Moreover, the labour of the exploited peoples round the Equator is not really necessary to the world's economy. They add nothing to the wealth of the world, since whatever they produce is used for purposes of war, and the object of waging a war is always to be in a better position in which to wage another war. By their labour the slave populations allow the tempo113 of continuous warfare to be speeded up. But if they did not exist, the structure of world society, and the process by which it maintains itself, would not be essentially114 different.
The primary aim of modern warfare (in accordance with the principles of doublethink, this aim is simultaneously115 recognized and not recognized by the directing brains of the Inner Party) is to use up the products of the machine without raising the general standard of living. Ever since the end of the nineteenth century, the problem of what to do with the surplus of consumption goods has been latent in industrial society. At present, when few human beings even have enough to eat, this problem is obviously not urgent, and it might not have become so, even if no artificial processes of destruction had been at work. The world of today is a bare, hungry, dilapidated place compared with the world that existed before 1914, and still more so if compared with the imaginary future to which the people of that period looked forward. In the early twentieth century, the vision of a future society unbelievably rich, leisured, orderly, and efficient -- a glittering antiseptic world of glass and steel and snow-white concrete -- was part of the consciousness of nearly every literate116 person. Science and technology were developing at a prodigious117 speed, and it seemed natural to assume that they would go on developing. This failed to happen, partly because of the impoverishment118 caused by a long series of wars and revolutions, partly because scientific and technical progress depended on the empirical habit of thought, which could not survive in a strictly119 regimented society. As a whole the world is more primitive120 today than it was fifty years ago. Certain backward areas have advanced, and various devices, always in some way connected with warfare and police espionage121, have been developed, but experiment and invention have largely stopped, and the ravages122 of the atomic war of the nineteen-fifties have never been fully123 repaired. Nevertheless the dangers inherent in the machine are still there. From the moment when the machine first made its appearance it was clear to all thinking people that the need for human drudgery124, and therefore to a great extent for human inequality, had disappeared. If the machine were used deliberately125 for that end, hunger, overwork, dirt, illiteracy126, and disease could be eliminated within a few generations. And in fact, without being used for any such purpose, but by a sort of automatic process -- by producing wealth which it was sometimes impossible not to distribute -- the machine did raise the living standards of the average human being very greatly over a period of about fifty years at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth centuries.
But it was also clear that an all-round increase in wealth threatened the destruction -- indeed, in some sense was the destruction -- of a hierarchical society. In a world in which everyone worked short hours, had enough to eat, lived in a house with a bathroom and a refrigerator, and possessed127 a motor-car or even an aeroplane, the most obvious and perhaps the most important form of inequality would already have disappeared. If it once became general, wealth would confer no distinction. It was possible, no doubt, to imagine a society in which wealth, in the sense of personal possessions and luxuries, should be evenly distributed, while power remained in the hands of a small privileged caste. But in practice such a society could not long remain stable. For if leisure and security were enjoyed by all alike, the great mass of human beings who are normally stupefied by poverty would become literate and would learn to think for themselves; and when once they had done this, they would sooner or later realize that the privileged minority had no function, and they would sweep it away. In the long run, a hierarchical society was only possible on a basis of poverty and ignorance. To return to the agricultural past, as some thinkers about the beginning of the twentieth century dreamed of doing, was not a practicable solution. It conflicted with the tendency towards mechanization which had become quasi-instinctive throughout almost the whole world, and moreover, any country which remained industrially backward was helpless in a military sense and was bound to be dominated, directly or indirectly129, by its more advanced rivals.
Nor was it a satisfactory solution to keep the masses in poverty by restricting the output of goods. This happened to a great extent during the final phase of capitalism130, roughly between 1920 and 1940. The economy of many countries was allowed to stagnate131, land went out of cultivation132, capital equipment was not added to, great blocks of the population were prevented from working and kept half alive by State charity. But this, too, entailed133 military weakness, and since the privations it inflicted134 were obviously unnecessary, it made opposition135 inevitable136. The problem was how to keep the wheels of industry turning without increasing the real wealth of the world. Goods must be produced, but they must not be distributed. And in practice the only way of achieving this was by continuous warfare.
The essential act of war is destruction, not necessarily of human lives, but of the products of human labour. War is a way of shattering to pieces, or pouring into the stratosphere, or sinking in the depths of the sea, materials which might otherwise be used to make the masses too comfortable, and hence, in the long run, too intelligent. Even when weapons of war are not actually destroyed, their manufacture is still a convenient way of expending137 labour power without producing anything that can be consumed. A Floating Fortress95, for example, has locked up in it the labour that would build several hundred cargo-ships. Ultimately it is scrapped138 as obsolete, never having brought any material benefit to anybody, and with further enormous labours another Floating Fortress is built. In principle the war effort is always so planned as to eat up any surplus that might exist after meeting the bare needs of the population. In practice the needs of the population are always underestimated, with the result that there is a chronic139 shortage of half the necessities of life; but this is looked on as an advantage. It is deliberate policy to keep even the favoured groups somewhere near the brink140 of hardship, because a general state of scarcity141 increases the importance of small privileges and thus magnifies the distinction between one group and another. By the standards of the early twentieth century, even a member of the Inner Party lives an austere142, laborious143 kind of life. Nevertheless, the few luxuries that he does enjoy his large, well-appointed flat, the better texture144 of his clothes, the better quality of his food and drink and tobacco, his two or three servants, his private motor-car or helicopter -- set him in a different world from a member of the Outer Party, and the members of the Outer Party have a similar advantage in comparison with the submerged masses whom we call 'the proles'. The social atmosphere is that of a besieged145 city, where the possession of a lump of horseflesh makes the difference between wealth and poverty. And at the same time the consciousness of being at war, and therefore in danger, makes the handing-over of all power to a small caste seem the natural, unavoidable condition of survival.
War, it will be seen, accomplishes the necessary destruction, but accomplishes it in a psychologically acceptable way. In principle it would be quite simple to waste the surplus labour of the world by building temples and pyramids, by digging holes and filling them up again, or even by producing vast quantities of goods and then setting fire to them. But this would provide only the economic and not the emotional basis for a hierarchical society. What is concerned here is not the morale146 of masses, whose attitude is unimportant so long as they are kept steadily147 at work, but the morale of the Party itself. Even the humblest Party member is expected to be competent, industrious101, and even intelligent within narrow limits, but it is also necessary that he should be a credulous148 and ignorant fanatic149 whose prevailing moods are fear, hatred, adulation, and orgiastic triumph. In other words it is necessary that he should have the mentality150 appropriate to a state of war. It does not matter whether the war is actually happening, and, since no decisive victory is possible, it does not matter whether the war is going well or badly. All that is needed is that a state of war should exist. The splitting of the intelligence which the Party requires of its members, and which is more easily achieved in an atmosphere of war, is now almost universal, but the higher up the ranks one goes, the more marked it becomes. It is precisely151 in the Inner Party that war hysteria and hatred of the enemy are strongest. In his capacity as an administrator152, it is often necessary for a member of the Inner Party to know that this or that item of war news is untruthful, and he may often be aware that the entire war is spurious and is either not happening or is being waged for purposes quite other than the declared ones: but such knowledge is easily neutralized154 by the technique of doublethink. Meanwhile no Inner Party member wavers for an instant in his mystical belief that the war is real, and that it is bound to end victoriously155, with Oceania the undisputed master of the entire world.
All members of the Inner Party believe in this coming conquest as an article of faith. It is to be achieved either by gradually acquiring more and more territory and so building up an overwhelming preponderance of power, or by the discovery of some new and unanswerable weapon. The search for new weapons continues unceasingly, and is one of the very few remaining activities in which the inventive or speculative156 type of mind can find any outlet157. In Oceania at the present day, Science, in the old sense, has almost ceased to exist. In Newspeak there is no word for 'Science'. The empirical method of thought, on which all the scientific achievements of the past were founded, is opposed to the most fundamental principles of Ingsoc. And even technological158 progress only happens when its products can in some way be used for the diminution159 of human liberty. In all the useful arts the world is either standing42 still or going backwards160. The fields are cultivated with horse-ploughs while books are written by machinery161. But in matters of vital importance -- meaning, in effect, war and police espionage -- the empirical approach is still encouraged, or at least tolerated. The two aims of the Party are to conquer the whole surface of the earth and to extinguish once and for all the possibility of independent thought. There are therefore two great problems which the Party is concerned to solve. One is how to discover, against his will, what another human being is thinking, and the other is how to kill several hundred million people in a few seconds without giving warning beforehand. In so far as scientific research still continues, this is its subject matter. The scientist of today is either a mixture of psychologist and inquisitor, studying with real ordinary minuteness the meaning of facial expressions, gestures, and tones of voice, and testing the truth-producing effects of drugs, shock therapy, hypnosis, and physical torture; or he is chemist, physicist162, or biologist concerned only with such branches of his special subject as are relevant to the taking of life. In the vast laboratories of the Ministry of Peace, and in the experimental stations hidden in the Brazilian forests, or in the Australian desert, or on lost islands of the Antarctic, the teams of experts are indefatigably163 at work. Some are concerned simply with planning the logistics of future wars; others devise larger and larger rocket bombs, more and more powerful explosives, and more and more impenetrable armour-plating; others search for new and deadlier gases, or for soluble164 poisons capable of being produced in such quantities as to destroy the vegetation of whole continents, or for breeds of disease germs immunized against all possible antibodies; others strive to produce a vehicle that shall bore its way under the soil like a submarine under the water, or an aeroplane as independent of its base as a sailing-ship; others explore even remoter possibilities such as focusing the sun's rays through lenses suspended thousands of kilometres away in space, or producing artificial earthquakes and tidal waves by tapping the heat at the earth's centre.
But none of these projects ever comes anywhere near realization165, and none of the three super-states ever gains a significant lead on the others. What is more remarkable166 is that all three powers already possess, in the atomic bomb, a weapon far more powerful than any that their present researches are likely to discover. Although the Party, according to its habit, claims the invention for itself, atomic bombs first appeared as early as the nineteen-forties, and were first used on a large scale about ten years later. At that time some hundreds of bombs were dropped on industrial centres, chiefly in European Russia, Western Europe, and North America. The effect was to convince the ruling groups of all countries that a few more atomic bombs would mean the end of organized society, and hence of their own power. Thereafter, although no formal agreement was ever made or hinted at, no more bombs were dropped. All three powers merely continue to produce atomic bombs and store them up against the decisive opportunity which they all believe will come sooner or later. And meanwhile the art of war has remained almost stationary167 for thirty or forty years. Helicopters are more used than they were formerly168, bombing planes have been largely superseded169 by self-propelled projectiles170, and the fragile movable battleship has given way to the almost unsinkable Floating Fortress; but otherwise there has been little development. The tank, the submarine, the torpedo171, the machine gun, even the rifle and the hand grenade are still in use. And in spite of the endless slaughters172 reported in the Press and on the telescreens, the desperate battles of earlier wars, in which hundreds of thousands or even millions of men were often killed in a few weeks, have never been repeated.
None of the three super-states ever attempts any manoeuvre173 which involves the risk of serious defeat. When any large operation is undertaken, it is usually a surprise attack against an ally. The strategy that all three powers are following, or pretend to themselves that they are following, is the same. The plan is, by a combination of fighting, bargaining, and well-timed strokes of treachery, to acquire a ring of bases completely encircling one or other of the rival states, and then to sign a pact174 of friendship with that rival and remain on peaceful terms for so many years as to lull175 suspicion to sleep. During this time rockets loaded with atomic bombs can be assembled at all the strategic spots; finally they will all be fired simultaneously, with effects so devastating176 as to make retaliation177 impossible. It will then be time to sign a pact of friendship with the remaining world-power, in preparation for another attack. This scheme, it is hardly necessary to say, is a mere24 daydream178, impossible of realization. Moreover, no fighting ever occurs except in the disputed areas round the Equator and the Pole: no invasion of enemy territory is ever undertaken. This explains the fact that in some places the frontiers between the superstates are arbitrary. Eurasia, for example, could easily conquer the British Isles, which are geographically179 part of Europe, or on the other hand it would be possible for Oceania to push its frontiers to the Rhine or even to the Vistula. But this would violate the principle, followed on all sides though never formulated180, of cultural integrity. If Oceania were to conquer the areas that used once to be known as France and Germany, it would be necessary either to exterminate181 the inhabitants, a task of great physical difficulty, or to assimilate a population of about a hundred million people, who, so far as technical development goes, are roughly on the Oceanic level. The problem is the same for all three super-states. It is absolutely necessary to their structure that there should be no contact with foreigners, except, to a limited extent, with war prisoners and coloured slaves. Even the official ally of the moment is always regarded with the darkest suspicion. War prisoners apart, the average citizen of Oceania never sets eyes on a citizen of either Eurasia or Eastasia, and he is forbidden the knowledge of foreign languages. If he were allowed contact with foreigners he would discover that they are creatures similar to himself and that most of what he has been told about them is lies. The sealed world in which he lives would be broken, and the fear, hatred, and self-righteousness on which his morale depends might evaporate. It is therefore realized on all sides that however often Persia, or Egypt, or Java, or Ceylon may change hands, the main frontiers must never be crossed by anything except bombs.
Under this lies a fact never mentioned aloud, but tacitly understood and acted upon: namely, that the conditions of life in all three super-states are very much the same. In Oceania the prevailing philosophy is called Ingsoc, in Eurasia it is called Neo-Bolshevism, and in Eastasia it is called by a Chinese name usually translated as Death-Worship, but perhaps better rendered as Obliteration182 of the Self. The citizen of Oceania is not allowed to know anything of the tenets of the other two philosophies, but he is taught to execrate183 them as barbarous outrages184 upon morality and common sense. Actually the three philosophies are barely distinguishable, and the social systems which they support are not distinguishable at all. Everywhere there is the same pyramidal structure, the same worship of semi-divine leader, the same economy existing by and for continuous warfare. It follows that the three super-states not only cannot conquer one another, but would gain no advantage by doing so. On the contrary, so long as they remain in conflict they prop29 one another up, like three sheaves of corn. And, as usual, the ruling groups of all three powers are simultaneously aware and unaware185 of what they are doing. Their lives are dedicated186 to world conquest, but they also know that it is necessary that the war should continue everlastingly187 and without victory. Meanwhile the fact that there is no danger of conquest makes possible the denial of reality which is the special feature of Ingsoc and its rival systems of thought. Here it is necessary to repeat what has been said earlier, that by becoming continuous war has fundamentally changed its character.
In past ages, a war, almost by definition, was something that sooner or later came to an end, usually in unmistakable victory or defeat. In the past, also, war was one of the main instruments by which human societies were kept in touch with physical reality. All rulers in all ages have tried to impose a false view of the world upon their followers188, but they could not afford to encourage any illusion that tended to impair189 military efficiency. So long as defeat meant the loss of independence, or some other result generally held to be undesirable190, the precautions against defeat had to be serious. Physical facts could not be ignored. In philosophy, or religion, or ethics191, or politics, two and two might make five, but when one was designing a gun or an aeroplane they had to make four. Inefficient192 nations were always conquered sooner or later, and the struggle for efficiency was inimical to illusions. Moreover, to be efficient it was necessary to be able to learn from the past, which meant having a fairly accurate idea of what had happened in the past. Newspapers and history books were, of course, always coloured and biased193, but falsification of the kind that is practised today would have been impossible. War was a sure safeguard of sanity194, and so far as the ruling classes were concerned it was probably the most important of all safeguards. While wars could be won or lost, no ruling class could be completely irresponsible.
But when war becomes literally continuous, it also ceases to be dangerous. When war is continuous there is no such thing as military necessity. Technical progress can cease and the most palpable facts can be denied or disregarded. As we have seen, researches that could be called scientific are still carried out for the purposes of war, but they are essentially a kind of daydreaming195, and their failure to show results is not important. Efficiency, even military efficiency, is no longer needed. Nothing is efficient in Oceania except the Thought Police. Since each of the three super-states is unconquerable, each is in effect a separate universe within which almost any perversion196 of thought can be safely practised. Reality only exerts its pressure through the needs of everyday life -- the need to eat and drink, to get shelter and clothing, to avoid swallowing poison or stepping out of top-storey windows, and the like. Between life and death, and between physical pleasure and physical pain, there is still a distinction, but that is all. Cut off from contact with the outer world, and with the past, the citizen of Oceania is like a man in interstellar space, who has no way of knowing which direction is up and which is down. The rulers of such a state are absolute, as the Pharaohs or the Caesars could not be. They are obliged to prevent their followers from starving to death in numbers large enough to be inconvenient197, and they are obliged to remain at the same low level of military technique as their rivals; but once that minimum is achieved, they can twist reality into whatever shape they choose.
The war, therefore, if we judge it by the standards of previous wars, is merely an imposture198. It is like the battles between certain ruminant animals whose horns are set at such an angle that they are incapable199 of hurting one another. But though it is unreal it is not meaningless. It eats up the surplus of consumable goods, and it helps to preserve the special mental atmosphere that a hierarchical society needs. War, it will be seen, is now a purely internal affair. In the past, the ruling groups of all countries, although they might recognize their common interest and therefore limit the destructiveness of war, did fight against one another, and the victor always plundered200 the vanquished201. In our own day they are not fighting against one another at all. The war is waged by each ruling group against its own subjects, and the object of the war is not to make or prevent conquests of territory, but to keep the structure of society intact. The very word 'war', therefore, has become misleading. It would probably be accurate to say that by becoming continuous war has ceased to exist. The peculiar202 pressure that it exerted on human beings between the Neolithic Age and the early twentieth century has disappeared and been replaced by something quite different. The effect would be much the same if the three super-states, instead of fighting one another, should agree to live in perpetual peace, each inviolate within its own boundaries. For in that case each would still be a self-contained universe, freed for ever from the sobering influence of external danger. A peace that was truly permanent would be the same as a permanent war. This -- although the vast majority of Party members understand it only in a shallower sense -- is the inner meaning of the Party slogan: War is Peace.
.
Winston stopped reading for a moment. Somewhere in remote distance a rocket bomb thundered. The blissful feeling of being alone with the forbidden book, in a room with no telescreen, had not worn off. Solitude203 and safety were physical sensations, mixed up somehow with the tiredness of his body, the softness of the chair, the touch of the faint breeze from the window that played upon his cheek. The book fascinated him, or more exactly it reassured204 him. In a sense it told him nothing that was new, but that was part of the attraction. It said what he would have said, if it had been possible for him to set his scattered205 thoughts in order. It was the product of a mind similar to his own, but enormously more powerful, more systematic206, less fear-ridden. The best books, he perceived, are those that tell you what you know already. He had just turned back to Chapter I when he heard Julia's footstep on the stair and started out of his chair to meet her. She dumped her brown tool-bag on the floor and flung herself into his arms. It was more than a week since they had seen one another.
'I've got the book,' he said as they disentangled themselves.
'Oh, you've got it? Good,' she said without much interest, and almost immediately knelt down beside the oilstove to make the coffee.
They did not return to the subject until they had been in bed for half an hour. The evening was just cool enough to make it worth while to pull up the counterpane. From below came the familiar sound of singing and the scrape of boots on the flagstones. The brawny207 red-armed woman whom Winston had seen there on his first visit was almost a fixture208 in the yard. There seemed to be no hour of daylight when she was not marching to and fro between the washtub and the line, alternately gagging herself with clothes pegs209 and breaking forth into lusty song. Julia had settled down on her side andseemed to be already on the point of falling asleep. He reached out for the book, which was lying on the floor, and sat up against the bedhead.
'We must read it,' he said. 'You too. All members of the Brotherhood210 have to read it.'
'You read it,' she said with her eyes shut. 'Read it aloud. That's the best way. Then you can explain it to me as you go.'
The clock's hands said six, meaning eighteen. They had three or four hours ahead of them. He propped211 the book against his knees and began reading:
Chapter I
Ignorance is Strength
Throughout recorded time, and probably since the end of the Neolithic Age, there have been three kinds of people in the world, the High, the Middle, and the Low. They have been subdivided in many ways, they have borne countless different names, and their relative numbers, as well as their attitude towards one another, have varied from age to age: but the essential structure of society has never altered. Even after enormous upheavals and seemingly irrevocable changes, the same pattern has always reasserted itself, just as a gyroscope will always return to equilibnum, however far it is pushed one way or the other --
'Julia, are you awake?' said Winston.
'Yes, my love, I'm listening. Go on. It's marvellous.'
He continued reading:
The aims of these three groups are entirely irreconcilable. The aim of the High is to remain where they are. The aim of the Middle is to change places with the High. The aim of the Low, when they have an aim -- for it is an abiding212 characteristic of the Low that they are too much crushed by drudgery to be more than intermittently213 conscious of anything outside their daily lives -- is to abolish all distinctions and create a society in which all men shall be equal. Thus throughout history a struggle which is the same in its main outlines recurs214 over and over again. For long periods the High seem to be securely in power, but sooner or later there always comes a moment when they lose either their belief in themselves or their capacity to govern efficiently215, or both. They are then overthrown216 by the Middle, who enlist217 the Low on their side by pretending to them that they are fighting for liberty and justice. As soon as they have reached their objective, the Middle thrust the Low back into their old position of servitude, and themselves become the High. Presently a new Middle group splits off from one of the other groups, or from both of them, and the struggle begins over again. Of the three groups, only the Low are never even temporarily successful in achieving their aims. It would be an exaggeration to say that throughout history there has been no progress of a material kind. Even today, in a period of decline, the average human being is physically218 better off than he was a few centuries ago. But no advance in wealth, no softening219 of manners, no reform or revolution has ever brought human equality a millimetre nearer. From the point of view of the Low, no historic change has ever meant much more than a change in the name of their masters.
By the late nineteenth century the recurrence220 of this pattern had become obvious to many observers. There then rose schools of thinkers who interpreted history as a cyclical process and claimed to show that inequality was the unalterable law of human life. This doctrine221, of course, had always had its adherents222, but in the manner in which it was now put forward there was a significant change. In the past the need for a hierarchical form of society had been the doctrine specifically of the High. It had been preached by kings and aristocrats223 and by the priests, lawyers, and the like who were parasitical224 upon them, and it had generally been softened225 by promises of compensation in an imaginary world beyond the grave. The Middle, so long as it was struggling for power, had always made use of such terms as freedom, justice, and fraternity. Now, however, the concept of human brotherhood began to be assailed226 by people who were not yet in positions of command, but merely hoped to be so before long. In the past the Middle had made revolutions under the banner of equality, and then had established a fresh tyranny as soon as the old one was overthrown. The new Middle groups in effect proclaimed their tyranny beforehand. Socialism, a theory which appeared in the early nineteenth century and was the last link in a chain of thought stretching back to the slave rebellions of antiquity227, was still deeply infected by the Utopianism of past ages. But in each variant228 of Socialism that appeared from about 1900 onwards the aim of establishing liberty and equality was more and more openly abandoned. The new movements which appeared in the middle years of the century, Ingsoc in Oceania, Neo-Bolshevism in Eurasia, Death-Worship, as it is commonly called, in Eastasia, had the conscious aim of perpetuating229 unfreedom and inequality. These new movements, of course, grew out of the old ones and tended to keep their names and pay lip-service to their ideology230. But the purpose of all of them was to arrest progress and freeze history at a chosen moment. The familiar pendulum231 swing was to happen once more, and then stop. As usual, the High were to be turned out by the Middle, who would then become the High; but this time, by conscious strategy, the High would be able to maintain their position permanently.
The new doctrines232 arose partly because of the accumulation of historical knowledge, and the growth of the historical sense, which had hardly existed before the nineteenth century. The cyclical movement of history was now intelligible233, or appeared to be so; and if it was intelligible, then it was alterable. But the principal, underlying234 cause was that, as early as the beginning of the twentieth century, human equality had become technically235 possible. It was still true that men were not equal in their native talents and that functions had to be specialized236 in ways that favoured some individuals against others; but there was no longer any real need for class distinctions or for large differences of wealth. In earlier ages, class distinctions had been not only inevitable but desirable. Inequality was the price of civilization. With the development of machine production, however, the case was altered. Even if it was still necessary for human beings to do different kinds of work, it was no longer necessary for them to live at different social or economic levels. Therefore, from the point of view of the new groups who were on the point of seizing power, human equality was no longer an ideal to be striven after, but a danger to be averted238. In more primitive ages, when a just and peaceful society was in fact not possible, it had been fairly easy to believe it. The idea of an earthly paradise in which men should live together in a state of brotherhood, without laws and without brute239 labour, had haunted the human imagination for thousands of years. And this vision had had a certain hold even on the groups who actually profited by each historical change. The heirs of the French, English, and American revolutions had partly believed in their own phrases about the rights of man, freedom of speech, equality before the law, and the like, and have even allowed their conduct to be influenced by them to some extent. But by the fourth decade of the twentieth century all the main currents of political thought were authoritarian240. The earthly paradise had been discredited241 at exactly the moment when it became realizable. Every new political theory, by whatever name it called itself, led back to hierarchy242 and regimentation243. And in the general hardening of outlook that set in round about 1930, practices which had been long abandoned, in some cases for hundreds of years -- imprisonment244 without trial, the use of war prisoners as slaves, public executions, torture to extract confessions245, the use of hostages, and the deportation37 of whole populations -- not only became common again, but were tolerated and even defended by people who considered themselves enlightened and progressive.
It was only after a decade of national wars, civil wars, revolutions, and counter-revolutions in all parts of the world that Ingsoc and its rivals emerged as fully worked-out political theories. But they had been foreshadowed by the various systems, generally called totalitarian, which had appeared earlier in the century, and the main outlines of the world which would emerge from the prevailing chaos246 had long been obvious. What kind of people would control this world had been equally obvious. The new aristocracy was made up for the most part of bureaucrats247, scientists, technicians, trade-union organizers, publicity248 experts, sociologists, teachers, journalists, and professional politicians. These people, whose origins lay in the salaried middle class and the upper grades of the working class, had been shaped and brought together by the barren world of monopoly industry and centralized government. As compared with their opposite numbers in past ages, they were less avaricious249, less tempted250 by luxury, hungrier for pure power, and, above all, more conscious of what they were doing and more intent on crushing opposition. This last difference was cardinal251. By comparison with that existing today, all the tyrannies of the past were half-hearted and inefficient. The ruling groups were always infected to some extent by liberal ideas, and were content to leave loose ends everywhere, to regard only the overt128 act and to be uninterested in what their subjects were thinking. Even the Catholic Church of the Middle Ages was tolerant by modern standards. Part of the reason for this was that in the past no government had the power to keep its citizens under constant surveillance. The invention of print, however, made it easier to manipulate public opinion, and the film and the radio carried the process further. With the development of television, and the technical advance which made it possible to receive and transmit simultaneously on the same instrument, private life came to an end. Every citizen, or at least every citizen important enough to be worth watching, could be kept for twenty-four hours a day under the eyes of the police and in the sound of official propaganda, with all other channels of communication closed. The possibility of enforcing not only complete obedience252 to the will of the State, but complete uniformity of opinion on all subjects, now existed for the first time.
After the revolutionary period of the fifties and sixties, society regrouped itself, as always, into High, Middle, and Low. But the new High group, unlike all its forerunners253, did not act upon instinct but knew what was needed to safeguard its position. It had long been realized that the only secure basis for oligarchy254 is collectivism. Wealth and privilege are most easily defended when they are possessed jointly255. The so-called 'abolition256 of private property' which took place in the middle years of the century meant, in effect, the concentration of property in far fewer hands than before: but with this difference, that the new owners were a group instead of a mass of individuals. Individually, no member of the Party owns anything, except petty personal belongings257. Collectively, the Party owns everything in Oceania, because it controls everything, and disposes of the products as it thinks fit. In the years following the Revolution it was able to step into this commanding position almost unopposed, because the whole process was represented as an act of collectivization. It had always been assumed that if the capitalist class were expropriated, Socialism must follow: and unquestionably the capitalists had been expropriated. Factories, mines, land, houses, transport -- everything had been taken away from them: and since these things were no longer private property, it followed that they must be public property. Ingsoc, which grew out of the earlier Socialist258 movement and inherited its phraseology, has in fact carried out the main item in the Socialist programme; with the result, foreseen and intended beforehand, that economic inequality has been made permanent.
But the problems of perpetuating a hierarchical society go deeper than this. There are only four ways in which a ruling group can fall from power. Either it is conquered from without, or it governs so inefficiently259 that the masses are stirred to revolt, or it allows a strong and discontented Middle group to come into being, or it loses its own self-confidence and willingness to govern. These causes do not operate singly, and as a rule all four of them are present in some degree. A ruling class which could guard against all of them would remain in power permanently. Ultimately the determining factor is the mental attitude of the ruling class itself.
After the middle of the present century, the first danger had in reality disappeared. Each of the three powers which now divide the world is in fact unconquerable, and could only become conquerable through slow demographic changes which a government with wide powers can easily avert237. The second danger, also, is only a theoretical one. The masses never revolt of their own accord, and they never revolt merely because they are oppressed. Indeed, so long as they are not permitted to have standards of comparison, they never even become aware that they are oppressed. The recurrent economic crises of past times were totally unnecessary and are not now permitted to happen, but other and equally large dislocations can and do happen without having political results, because there is no way in which discontent can become articulate. As for the problem of overproduction, which has been latent in our society since the development of machine technique, it is solved by the device of continuous warfare (see Chapter III), which is also useful in keying up public morale to the necessary pitch. From the point of view of our present rulers, therefore, the only genuine dangers are the splitting-off of a new group of able, under-employed, power-hungry people, and the growth of liberalism and scepticism in their own ranks. The problem, that is to say, is educational. It is a problem of continuously moulding the consciousness both of the directing group and of the larger executive group that lies immediately below it. The consciousness of the masses needs only to be influenced in a negative way.
Given this background, one could infer, if one did not know it already, the general structure of Oceanic society. At the apex260 of the pyramid comes Big Brother. Big Brother is infallible and all-powerful. Every success, every achievement, every victory, every scientific discovery, all knowledge, all wisdom, all happiness, all virtue261, are held to issue directly from his leadership and inspiration. Nobody has ever seen Big Brother. He is a face on the hoardings, a voice on the telescreen. We may be reasonably sure that he will never die, and there is already considerable uncertainty262 as to when he was born. Big Brother is the guise263 in which the Party chooses to exhibit itself to the world. His function is to act as a focusing point for love, fear, and reverence264, emotions which are more easily felt towards an individual than towards an organization. Below Big Brother comes the Inner Party, its numbers limited to six millions, or something less than 2 per cent of the population of Oceania. Below the Inner Party comes the Outer Party, which, if the Inner Party is described as the brain of the State, may be justly likened to the hands. Below that come the dumb masses whom we habitually265 refer to as 'the proles', numbering perhaps 85 per cent of the population. In the terms of our earlier classification, the proles are the Low: for the slave population of the equatorial lands who pass constantly from conqueror to conqueror, are not a permanent or necessary part of the structure.
In principle, membership of these three groups is not hereditary266. The child of Inner Party parents is in theory not born into the Inner Party. Admission to either branch of the Party is by examination, taken at the age of sixteen. Nor is there any racial discrimination, or any marked domination of one province by another. Jews, Negroes, South Americans of pure Indian blood are to be found in the highest ranks of the Party, and the administrators267 of any area are always drawn268 from the inhabitants of that area. In no part of Oceania do the inhabitants have the feeling that they are a colonial population ruled from a distant capital. Oceania has no capital, and its titular269 head is a person whose whereabouts nobody knows. Except that English is its chief lingua franca and Newspeak its official language, it is not centralized in any way. Its rulers are not held together by blood-ties but by adherence270 to a common doctrine. It is true that our society is stratified, and very rigidly271 stratified, on what at first sight appear to be hereditary lines. There is far less to-and-fro movement between the different groups than happened under capitalism or even in the pre-industrial age. Between the two branches of the Party there is a certain amount of interchange, but only so much as will ensure that weaklings are excluded from the Inner Party and that ambitious members of the Outer Party are made harmless by allowing them to rise. Proletarians, in practice, are not allowed to graduate into the Party. The most gifted among them, who might possibly become nuclei272 of discontent, are simply marked down by the Thought Police and eliminated. But this state of affairs is not necessarily permanent, nor is it a matter of principle. The Party is not a class in the old sense of the word. It does not aim at transmitting power to its own children, as such; and if there were no other way of keeping the ablest people at the top, it would be perfectly273 prepared to recruit an entire new generation from the ranks of the proletariat. In the crucial years, the fact that the Party was not a hereditary body did a great deal to neutralize153 opposition. The older kind of Socialist, who had been trained to fight against something called 'class privilege' assumed that what is not hereditary cannot be permanent. He did not see that the continuity of an oligarchy need not be physical, nor did he pause to reflect that hereditary aristocracies have always been shortlived, whereas adoptive organizations such as the Catholic Church have sometimes lasted for hundreds or thousands of years. The essence of oligarchical rule is not father-to-son inheritance, but the persistence274 of a certain world-view and a certain way of life, imposed by the dead upon the living. A ruling group is a ruling group so long as it can nominate its successors. The Party is not concerned with perpetuating its blood but with perpetuating itself. Who wields275 power is not important, provided that the hierarchical structure remains always the same.
All the beliefs, habits, tastes, emotions, mental attitudes that characterize our time are really designed to sustain the mystique of the Party and prevent the true nature of present-day society from being perceived. Physical rebellion, or any preliminary move towards rebellion, is at present not possible. From the proletarians nothing is to be feared. Left to themselves, they will continue from generation to generation and from century to century, working, breeding, and dying, not only without any impulse to rebel, but without the power of grasping that the world could be other than it is. They could only become dangerous if the advance of industrial technique made it necessary to educate them more highly; but, since military and commercial rivalry276 are no longer important, the level of popular education is actually declining. What opinions the masses hold, or do not hold, is looked on as a matter of indifference277. They can be granted intellectual liberty because they have no intellect. In a Party member, on the other hand, not even the smallest deviation278 of opinion on the most unimportant subject can be tolerated.
A Party member lives from birth to death under the eye of the Thought Police. Even when he is alone he can never be sure that he is alone. Wherever he may be, asleep or awake, working or resting, in his bath or in bed, he can be inspected without warning and without knowing that he is being inspected. Nothing that he does is indifferent. His friendships, his relaxations279, his behaviour towards his wife and children, the expression of his face when he is alone, the words he mutters in sleep, even the characteristic movements of his body, are all jealously scrutinized280. Not only any actual misdemeanour, but any eccentricity281, however small, any change of habits, any nervous mannerism282 that could possibly be the symptom of an inner struggle, is certain to be detected. He has no freedom of choice in any direction whatever. On the other hand his actions are not regulated by law or by any clearly formulated code of behaviour. In Oceania there is no law. Thoughts and actions which, when detected, mean certain death are not formally forbidden, and the endless purges283, arrests, tortures, imprisonments, and vaporizations are not inflicted as punishment for crimes which have actually been committed, but are merely the wiping-out of persons who might perhaps commit a crime at some time in the future. A Party member is required to have not only the right opinions, but the right instincts.
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fatigue
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translucency
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debauch
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frail
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overalls
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fretted
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tickled
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joints
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| 接头( joint的名词复数 )； 关节； 公共场所（尤指价格低廉的饮食和娱乐场所） （非正式）； 一块烤肉 （英式英语） | |
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ministry
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literally
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dingy
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irrationally
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interfering
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tingling
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waxworks
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squealing
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trumpets
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climax
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hatred
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delirium
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demonstration
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skull
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| n.头骨；颅骨 | |
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31
lank
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| adj.瘦削的；稀疏的 | |
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32
haranguing
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| v.高谈阔论( harangue的现在分词 ) | |
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33
metallic
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| adj.金属的；金属制的；含金属的；产金属的；像金属的 | |
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34
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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35
atrocities
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| n.邪恶，暴行( atrocity的名词复数 )；滔天大罪 | |
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36
massacres
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| 大屠杀( massacre的名词复数 )； 惨败 | |
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37
deportation
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| n.驱逐，放逐 | |
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38
raping
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| v.以暴力夺取，强夺( rape的现在分词 )；强奸 | |
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39
civilians
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| 平民，百姓( civilian的名词复数 )； 老百姓 | |
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40
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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41
scrap
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| n.碎片；废料；v.废弃，报废 | |
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42
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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43
rippled
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| 使泛起涟漪（ripple的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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44
commotion
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| n.骚动，动乱 | |
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45
sabotage
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| n.怠工，破坏活动，破坏；v.从事破坏活动，妨害，破坏 | |
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46
riotous
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| adj.骚乱的；狂欢的 | |
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47
shreds
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| v.撕碎，切碎( shred的第三人称单数 )；用撕毁机撕毁（文件） | |
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48
trampled
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| 踩( trample的过去式和过去分词 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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49
prodigies
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| n.奇才，天才（尤指神童）( prodigy的名词复数 ) | |
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50
hunched
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| （常指因寒冷、生病或愁苦）耸肩弓身的，伏首前倾的 | |
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51
preoccupy
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| vt.使全神贯注，使入神 | |
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52
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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53
obsolete
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| adj.已废弃的，过时的 | |
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54
rectified
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| [医]矫正的，调整的 | |
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55
mattresses
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| 褥垫，床垫( mattress的名词复数 ) | |
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56
trolleys
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|
| n.（两轮或四轮的）手推车( trolley的名词复数 )；装有脚轮的小台车；电车 | |
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57
cylinder
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| n.圆筒，柱(面)，汽缸 | |
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58
cylinders
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| n.圆筒( cylinder的名词复数 )；圆柱；汽缸；（尤指用作容器的）圆筒状物 | |
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59
overflowing
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|
| n. 溢出物,溢流 adj. 充沛的，充满的 动词overflow的现在分词形式 | |
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60
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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61
detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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62
geographical
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| adj.地理的；地区(性)的 | |
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63
unbearably
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| adv.不能忍受地，无法容忍地；慌 | |
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64
neurotically
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65
forgery
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| n.伪造的文件等，赝品，伪造（行为） | |
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66
dribble
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|
| v.点滴留下，流口水；n.口水 | |
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67
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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68
tepid
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| adj.微温的，温热的，不太热心的 | |
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69
voluptuous
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|
| adj.肉欲的，骄奢淫逸的 | |
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70
Undid
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| v. 解开, 复原 | |
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71
straps
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|
| n.带子( strap的名词复数 )；挎带；肩带；背带v.用皮带捆扎( strap的第三人称单数 )；用皮带抽打；包扎；给…打绷带 | |
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72
amateurishly
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| adv.外行地，生手地 | |
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73
inscription
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|
| n.（尤指石块上的）刻印文字，铭文，碑文 | |
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74
oligarchical
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|
| adj.寡头政治的，主张寡头政治的 | |
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75
neolithic
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|
| adj.新石器时代的 | |
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76
subdivided
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| 再分，细分( subdivide的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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77
countless
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|
| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
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78
varied
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|
| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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79
upheavals
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|
| 突然的巨变( upheaval的名词复数 )； 大动荡； 大变动； 胀起 | |
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80
equilibrium
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| n.平衡，均衡，相称，均势，平静 | |
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81
entirely
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|
| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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82
irreconcilable
|
|
| adj.（指人）难和解的，势不两立的 | |
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83
bliss
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|
| n.狂喜，福佑，天赐的福 | |
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84
eternity
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|
| n.不朽，来世；永恒，无穷 | |
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85
isles
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| 岛( isle的名词复数 ) | |
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86
permanently
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|
| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
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87
annihilating
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|
| v.（彻底）消灭( annihilate的现在分词 )；使无效；废止；彻底击溃 | |
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88
warfare
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|
| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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89
ideological
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| a.意识形态的 | |
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90
prevailing
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|
| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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91
chivalrous
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|
| adj.武士精神的；对女人彬彬有礼的 | |
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92
slaughter
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|
| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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93
reprisals
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|
| n.报复（行为）( reprisal的名词复数 ) | |
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94
meritorious
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|
| adj.值得赞赏的 | |
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95
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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96
fortresses
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|
| 堡垒，要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
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97
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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98
dominant
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|
| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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99
definitively
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|
| adv.决定性地，最后地 | |
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100
fecundity
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|
| n.生产力；丰富 | |
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101
industrious
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|
| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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102
industriousness
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| n.勤奋 | |
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103
secondly
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| adv.第二，其次 | |
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104
scramble
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| v.爬行，攀爬，杂乱蔓延，碎片，片段，废料 | |
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105
dictates
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|
| n.命令，规定，要求( dictate的名词复数 )v.大声讲或读( dictate的第三人称单数 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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106
alignment
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|
| n.队列；结盟，联合 | |
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107
conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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108
expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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109
noted
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|
| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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110
Mediterranean
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|
| adj.地中海的；地中海沿岸的 | |
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111
remains
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|
| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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112
inviolate
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|
| adj.未亵渎的，未受侵犯的 | |
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113
tempo
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| n.(音乐的)速度；节奏，行进速度 | |
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114
essentially
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|
| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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115
simultaneously
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| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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116
literate
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|
| n.学者；adj.精通文学的，受过教育的 | |
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117
prodigious
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| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
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118
impoverishment
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| n.贫穷，穷困；贫化 | |
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119
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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120
primitive
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|
| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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121
espionage
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| n.间谍行为，谍报活动 | |
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122
ravages
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| 劫掠后的残迹，破坏的结果，毁坏后的残迹 | |
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123
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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124
drudgery
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| n.苦工，重活，单调乏味的工作 | |
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125
deliberately
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|
| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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126
illiteracy
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| n.文盲 | |
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127
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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128
overt
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| adj.公开的，明显的，公然的 | |
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129
indirectly
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| adv.间接地，不直接了当地 | |
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130
capitalism
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| n.资本主义 | |
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131
stagnate
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| v.停止 | |
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132
cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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133
entailed
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| 使…成为必要( entail的过去式和过去分词 )； 需要； 限定继承； 使必需 | |
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134
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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135
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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136
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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137
expending
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| v.花费( expend的现在分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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138
scrapped
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| 废弃(scrap的过去式与过去分词)； 打架 | |
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139
chronic
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| adj.(疾病)长期未愈的，慢性的；极坏的 | |
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140
brink
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| n.(悬崖、河流等的)边缘，边沿 | |
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141
scarcity
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| n.缺乏，不足，萧条 | |
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142
austere
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| adj.艰苦的；朴素的，朴实无华的；严峻的 | |
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143
laborious
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| adj.吃力的，努力的，不流畅 | |
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144
texture
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| n.(织物)质地；(材料)构造；结构；肌理 | |
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145
besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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146
morale
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| n.道德准则，士气，斗志 | |
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147
steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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148
credulous
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| adj.轻信的，易信的 | |
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149
fanatic
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|
| n.狂热者，入迷者；adj.狂热入迷的 | |
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150
mentality
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| n.心理，思想，脑力 | |
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151
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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152
administrator
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| n.经营管理者，行政官员 | |
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153
neutralize
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|
| v.使失效、抵消，使中和 | |
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154
neutralized
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| v.使失效( neutralize的过去式和过去分词 )；抵消；中和；使（一个国家）中立化 | |
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155
victoriously
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|
| adv.获胜地，胜利地 | |
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156
speculative
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|
| adj.思索性的，暝想性的，推理的 | |
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157
outlet
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| n.出口/路；销路；批发商店；通风口；发泄 | |
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158
technological
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|
| adj.技术的；工艺的 | |
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159
diminution
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| n.减少；变小 | |
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160
backwards
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|
| adv.往回地，向原处，倒，相反，前后倒置地 | |
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161
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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162
physicist
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|
| n.物理学家，研究物理学的人 | |
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163
indefatigably
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| adv.不厌倦地，不屈不挠地 | |
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164
soluble
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| adj.可溶的；可以解决的 | |
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165
realization
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| n.实现；认识到，深刻了解 | |
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166
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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167
stationary
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| adj.固定的，静止不动的 | |
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168
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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169
superseded
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| [医]被代替的，废弃的 | |
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170
projectiles
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| n.抛射体( projectile的名词复数 )；（炮弹、子弹等）射弹，（火箭等）自动推进的武器 | |
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171
torpedo
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| n.水雷，地雷；v.用鱼雷破坏 | |
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172
slaughters
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的第三人称单数 ) | |
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173
manoeuvre
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| n.策略，调动；v.用策略，调动 | |
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174
pact
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| n.合同，条约，公约，协定 | |
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175
lull
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| v.使安静，使入睡，缓和，哄骗；n.暂停，间歇 | |
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176
devastating
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| adj.毁灭性的，令人震惊的，强有力的 | |
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177
retaliation
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| n.报复，反击 | |
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178
daydream
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| v.做白日梦，幻想 | |
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179
geographically
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| adv.地理学上，在地理上，地理方面 | |
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180
formulated
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| v.构想出( formulate的过去式和过去分词 )；规划；确切地阐述；用公式表示 | |
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181
exterminate
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| v.扑灭，消灭，根绝 | |
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182
obliteration
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| n.涂去，删除；管腔闭合 | |
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183
execrate
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| v.憎恶；厌恶；诅咒 | |
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184
outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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185
unaware
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| a.不知道的，未意识到的 | |
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186
dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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187
everlastingly
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| 永久地，持久地 | |
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188
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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189
impair
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| v.损害，损伤；削弱，减少 | |
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190
undesirable
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| adj.不受欢迎的，不良的，不合意的，讨厌的；n.不受欢迎的人，不良分子 | |
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191
ethics
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| n.伦理学；伦理观，道德标准 | |
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192
inefficient
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| adj.效率低的，无效的 | |
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193
biased
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| a.有偏见的 | |
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194
sanity
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| n.心智健全，神智正常，判断正确 | |
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195
daydreaming
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| v.想入非非，空想( daydream的现在分词 ) | |
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196
perversion
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| n.曲解；堕落；反常 | |
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197
inconvenient
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| adj.不方便的，令人感到麻烦的 | |
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198
imposture
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| n.冒名顶替，欺骗 | |
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199
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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200
plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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201
vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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202
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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203
solitude
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| n. 孤独; 独居,荒僻之地,幽静的地方 | |
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204
reassured
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| adj.使消除疑虑的；使放心的v.再保证，恢复信心( reassure的过去式和过去分词) | |
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205
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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206
systematic
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| adj.有系统的，有计划的，有方法的 | |
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207
brawny
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| adj.强壮的 | |
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208
fixture
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| n.固定设备；预定日期；比赛时间；定期存款 | |
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209
pegs
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| n.衣夹( peg的名词复数 )；挂钉；系帐篷的桩；弦钮v.用夹子或钉子固定( peg的第三人称单数 )；使固定在某水平 | |
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210
brotherhood
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| n.兄弟般的关系，手中情谊 | |
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211
propped
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| 支撑，支持，维持( prop的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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212
abiding
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| adj.永久的，持久的，不变的 | |
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213
intermittently
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| adv.间歇地；断断续续 | |
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214
recurs
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| 再发生，复发( recur的第三人称单数 ) | |
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215
efficiently
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| adv.高效率地，有能力地 | |
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216
overthrown
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| adj. 打翻的，推倒的，倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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217
enlist
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| vt.谋取(支持等)，赢得；征募；vi.入伍 | |
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218
physically
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| adj.物质上，体格上，身体上，按自然规律 | |
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219
softening
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| 变软，软化 | |
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220
recurrence
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| n.复发，反复，重现 | |
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221
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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222
adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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223
aristocrats
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| n.贵族( aristocrat的名词复数 ) | |
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224
parasitical
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|
| adj. 寄生的(符加的) | |
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225
softened
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| （使）变软( soften的过去式和过去分词 )； 缓解打击； 缓和； 安慰 | |
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226
assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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227
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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228
variant
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| adj.不同的，变异的；n.变体，异体 | |
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229
perpetuating
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| perpetuate的现在进行式 | |
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230
ideology
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|
| n.意识形态，(政治或社会的)思想意识 | |
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231
pendulum
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| n.摆，钟摆 | |
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232
doctrines
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|
| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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233
intelligible
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|
| adj.可理解的，明白易懂的，清楚的 | |
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234
underlying
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|
| adj.在下面的，含蓄的，潜在的 | |
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235
technically
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|
| adv.专门地，技术上地 | |
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236
specialized
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|
| adj.专门的，专业化的 | |
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237
avert
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| v.防止，避免；转移(目光、注意力等) | |
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238
averted
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| 防止，避免( avert的过去式和过去分词 )； 转移 | |
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239
brute
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| n.野兽，兽性 | |
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240
authoritarian
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|
| n./adj.专制(的)，专制主义者，独裁主义者 | |
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241
discredited
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| 不足信的，不名誉的 | |
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242
hierarchy
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|
| n.等级制度；统治集团，领导层 | |
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243
regimentation
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| n.编组团队；系统化，组织化 | |
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244
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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245
confessions
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| n.承认( confession的名词复数 )；自首；声明；（向神父的）忏悔 | |
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246
chaos
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| n.混乱，无秩序 | |
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247
bureaucrats
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| n.官僚( bureaucrat的名词复数 )；官僚主义；官僚主义者；官僚语言 | |
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248
publicity
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| n.众所周知，闻名；宣传，广告 | |
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249
avaricious
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| adj.贪婪的，贪心的 | |
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250
tempted
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|
| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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251
cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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252
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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253
forerunners
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| n.先驱( forerunner的名词复数 )；开路人；先兆；前兆 | |
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254
oligarchy
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| n.寡头政治 | |
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255
jointly
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| ad.联合地，共同地 | |
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256
abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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257
belongings
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| n.私人物品，私人财物 | |
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258
socialist
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| n.社会主义者；adj.社会主义的 | |
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259
inefficiently
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| adv.无效率地 | |
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260
apex
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| n.顶点，最高点 | |
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261
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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262
uncertainty
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| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
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263
guise
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| n.外表，伪装的姿态 | |
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264
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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265
habitually
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| ad.习惯地，通常地 | |
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266
hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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267
administrators
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| n.管理者( administrator的名词复数 )；有管理（或行政）才能的人；（由遗嘱检验法庭指定的）遗产管理人；奉派暂管主教教区的牧师 | |
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268
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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269
titular
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| adj.名义上的，有名无实的；n.只有名义（或头衔）的人 | |
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270
adherence
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| n.信奉，依附，坚持，固着 | |
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271
rigidly
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| adv.刻板地，僵化地 | |
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272
nuclei
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| n.核 | |
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273
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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274
persistence
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| n.坚持，持续，存留 | |
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275
wields
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| 手持着使用（武器、工具等）( wield的第三人称单数 )； 具有； 运用（权力）； 施加（影响） | |
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276
rivalry
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| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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277
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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278
deviation
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| n.背离，偏离；偏差，偏向；离题 | |
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279
relaxations
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| n.消遣( relaxation的名词复数 )；松懈；松弛；放松 | |
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280
scrutinized
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| v.仔细检查，详审( scrutinize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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281
eccentricity
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| n.古怪，反常，怪癖 | |
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282
mannerism
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| n.特殊习惯，怪癖 | |
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283
purges
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| 清除异己( purge的名词复数 )； 整肃（行动）； 清洗； 泻药 | |
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